- 22 May, 2025
22 May 2025: Although the 2025 Census is still some time away, it is already drawing mixed reactions from certain marginalised groups. Dalit Christians and Pasmanda Muslims, in particular, are uncertain about whether this round of the Census—which is set to record caste affiliations—will recognise their dual identity, or overlook them entirely.
Legal Battles and Hopes for Recognition
The denial of Scheduled Caste status to Dalit Muslims and Christians since 1950 has been the subject of ongoing legal and political contention. Several petitions currently before the Supreme Court argue that excluding these communities from SC benefits amounts to discrimination.
These groups are looking to the upcoming Census to bolster their arguments in court, hoping it will support their demand for the same constitutional protections and rights that are presently extended to Dalits within the Hindu, Sikh, and Buddhist communities.
A Look Back: What the 2011 Census Told Us
The Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India in 2015 released the data on Population by Religious Communities of the Census 2011 which counted a total population of 121.09 crores with Hindu at 96.63 crores (79.8%); Muslim at 17.22 crores (14.2%); Christians at 2.78 crores (2.3%); Sikh at 2.08 crores (1.7%); Buddhist at 0.84 crores (0.7%); Jain at 0.45 crores (0.4%), “Other Religions & Persuasions” (ORP) at 0.79 crores (0.7%) and Religion Not Stated 0.29 crores (0.2%).
Reviving a Forgotten Metric: Caste Returns to the Census
The 2025 Census is set to collect detailed caste data for the first time since 1931, a development that could significantly impact affirmative action frameworks. This initiative, prompted by calls for updated information on OBCs and other caste groups, may affect political representation and the distribution of resources—especially in states such as Bihar, where caste dynamics heavily influence electoral outcomes.
The Presidential Order That Drew the Line
The Presidential Order of 1950, one of the earliest amendments to the Indian Constitution, clearly states: “No person who professes a religion different from the Hindu religion shall be deemed to be a member of a Scheduled Caste.” This provision was later revised to include Sikhs and Buddhists within the Hindu fold, but it continues to exclude Muslims and Christians.
Due to this exclusion, many Dalit converts—particularly in the Telugu-speaking states of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh, as well as in Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, and Punjab—may conceal their religious identity in order to continue receiving benefits, which affects the exercise of religious freedom.
Lessons from 1931: How the British Counted Caste
The 1931 Census conducted by the British colonial administration did, to some extent, record caste across all religious groups, though the consistency and clarity of this data varied. It reportedly documented more than 4,147 distinct castes, including over 300 among Christians and more than 500 among Muslims.
Initially, the British believed that caste was fixed and limited to Hindus. However, by 1911, they had started recording caste information for Christians and Muslims if individuals chose to disclose it. The identity provided was self-declared and not assigned by the enumerator.
What Makes a Census Work (or Fail)
The fundamental approach remains unchanged: individuals must state their details—now referred to as data—including name, age, and gender (which is generally but not always visible), as well as religion, belief system, caste, and likely sub-caste, jati, or its regional equivalent.
Expectedly, it is a complicated exercise, involving perhaps even more people than are involved in a general election – barring the security personnel which are such an essential part of the national polling. The Census is a peaceful process.
The homework done by the Census Commissioner decides how accurate the census will be in various cultural or ethnic blocks in India with myriad regional names even for well-known communities such as Rajputs or Vaisyas, and the many other backward groups.
Errors in enumeration, many because of the ill trained staff, usually recruited from government school teachers and government employees who can be spared for such work, beset the 1911 census, as in fact they have in all the census operations carried out meticulously like clockwork once every ten years till the rhythm was shattered by Covid, and then delayed inexplicably by the central government.
Caste Lives On Across Faiths
The 1931 inclusion of caste across various religions was based on the recognition that social hierarchies similar to caste were present in other religious groups as well.
Among Muslims, classifications such as Ashraf (considered noble or upper-caste) and Ajlaf or Arzal (considered backward or Dalit Muslims) were recorded, indicating social stratification based on lineage and occupation, regardless of religious affiliation.
In the case of Christians, many converts from ‘Hindu’ castes retained their caste identity or continued to face societal discrimination and violence despite adopting a different faith. Over 300 Christian castes were documented.
Although Sikhism theologically opposes caste hierarchy, caste-like practices were evident through endogamous marriages and social divisions.
According to the 1911 Census, British India (excluding Burma) had around 336,000 Buddhists, comprising roughly 0.1% of the total population. This number rose significantly following B.R. Ambedkar’s mass conversion to Navayana Buddhism in Nagpur in 1956, a movement that continues.
New Commissions, Old Questions
These observations were acknowledged by the Rangnath Misra Commission, which stated that caste exists across religious communities and remains a reality in many parts of India. The Narendra Modi government has established another commission under former Chief Justice of India Balakrishnan to re-examine this issue.
Resistance, Stigma, and Data Gaps
The Caste Census in 1931 which recorded 4,147 castes, a significant increase from 1,646 in 1901, faced resistance due to cultural objections. Some communities viewed questions about caste as intrusive, while others, particularly marginalized groups including nomads, feared further stigmatization or discrimination. Police forces even in Delhi still often characterise some peoples groups as former “criminal tribes’, as they were defined by the British in the Criminal Tribes Act, though they were denotified in Independent India.
After 1931, independent India ceased comprehensive caste enumeration, citing concerns that it would exacerbate social divisions. The 1951 Census, the first post-independence census, limited caste data to SCs and STs, excluding other castes “to promote national unity”.
This decision left policymakers reliant on outdated 1931 data, as seen in the Mandal Commission’s 1980 estimate of OBCs based on assumptions of uniform population growth. The 2011 Socio Economic and Caste Census (SECC) attempted to revive caste enumeration but was marred by errors.
Identity or Invisibility? The Dilemma Today
To come back to the confusion, and angst among Dalit Christians, and Pasmanda Muslims, is a very basic one: should they specify their caste identity which can be recorded only if they remain silent on their religious one. The Census Commissioner’s office has not indicated whether it will allow hyphenated caste-religion identities, except in states like Tamil Nadu, where certain fishing communities are listed as Backward or Most Backward Caste or Class.
At present, only Scheduled Tribes are permitted to declare both their tribal and religious identities, although they too are facing opposition from far-right groups, some of which are supported by influential political entities.
By John Dayal
Activist, Author and Editor
Source: HeraldGoa
Image credit: Express Illustrations
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